“With inflation running between 7 and 8 per cent, with small businesses struggling to meet their bills, many people across NSW are having massive difficulty,” the premier-elect said.
Dominic Perrottet concedes defeat at the Liberal Party’s election event at the Hilton in Sydney on Saturday night. James Brickwood
“The people of this state wanted answers and solutions to the problems facing them right now. And I think Labor went into this election campaign with specific, credible and common-sense initiatives that would actually make a difference.
“The people of this state have endorsed that agenda.”
Former premier Dominic Perrottet conceded defeat and stepped down as the Liberal leader on Saturday night as it appeared the party would lose at least eight seats. These included Parramatta, which had been held by the party for a decade, and Wakehurst, held since 1991 by retiring health minister Brad Hazzard.
By Sunday morning, the recriminations had begun. Members pointed the finger at bungled preselections and poorly timed resignations, which they argued had led to a slew of former safe seats falling to Labor.
Advertisement
Others argued that the party’s moderate blue-green agenda and tussles between the conservative Mr Perrottet and progressive treasurer Matt Kean had alienated western Sydney. Mr Kean ruled out running to be NSW party leader.
“When it comes to south-western Sydney, the Liberal Party doesn’t know what it stands for, and they’ve just seen Perrottet completely hijacked by the Matt Kean and Photios-agenda,” one official said, referring to moderate powerbroker and lobbyist Michael Photios.
Matt Kean at his home in Pennant Hills with partner Wendy Quinn, their son Tom 3, and her daughters Jasmine 10, and Monique 8. Flavio Brancaleone
But other wings of the party – including MPs – were more optimistic as indications emerged that the party could retain half a dozen seats that remain too close to call. As the count ended on Saturday night, Liberal-held seats including Winston Hills, Wollondilly, Oatley, Miranda, Goulburn and Willoughby were on a knife-edge.
The NSW Electoral Commission does not count on Sunday. But Liberal pollsters now believe that postal votes to be counted over the week are likely to fall in the Coalition’s favour and stem further losses.
Labor walked away from election night securing a likely 10 seats, giving Mr Minns a likely starting point of government with 47 seats, a one-seat majority in a 93-seat lower house. As opposition leader, Mr Minns ruled out forming a coalition with the three Greens in the lower house.
Advertisement
After a result which turned every state on the Australian mainland red, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Labor heavyweights including Julia Gillard praised Mr Minns’ as an inspiring leader who had injected fresh hope, unity and momentum into the NSW Labor brand in just 18 months.
The state’s most powerful union body, Unions NSW, also praised the outcome of the election fought on a pledge to lift public sector working conditions and to negotiate directly with the sectors, arguing that it would inject goodwill back into the state’s industrial relationship.
“For us it means there’s an opportunity to restart how do we do industrial relations and provide public services to the people of NSW,” Unions NSW secretary Mark Morey told The Australian Financial Review.
“We need a proper industrial relations system where [the NSW IR Commission] is the last port of call, not the first port of call in negotiations ... and disputes are handled by people with skills who understand the sector with skills to handle disputes rather than people who just say no.”
Mr Morey pointed to the recent deal with striking rail workers, which secured a 3.5 per cent annual wage rise and improved conditions, as a model of how unions could negotiate.
Advertisement
NSW Labor’s wage cap plan contrasts with Victoria, where the Andrews government dropped a 2 per cent wage cap to just 1.5 per cent in January last year, but has evaded industrial action with a willingness to consult with the unions and to negotiate extra allowances.
These include options for double pay, extra holidays, or in the Victorian teachers example, extra time for class prep.
The Coalition was on track to lose eight seats, including former trade minister Stuart Ayres’ electorate of Penrith, as well as East Hills, Parramatta, Riverstone, Wakehurst and Camden, all in Sydney. In the regions, the Coalition lost control of South Coast after two decades of power as well as John Barilaro’s former seat of Monaro, held by the Nationals.
Popular tide
Peter Dutton’s federal Liberal Party has been watching the NSW party’s policies as a test-case on whether a “Modern Liberal” platform can stem a popular tide against the Liberals nationally.
But the party’s retention of North Shore, Lane Cove and Northern Beaches seats including Manly, which were under threat from Climate 200-backed teal candidates, is also being portrayed as a significant win for the Coalition’s heartland.
Advertisement
“Don’t forget how different this is to the federal election where we got wiped in the heartland of the north shore and the eastern suburbs,” NSW senator and Liberal moderate Andrew Bragg told the Financial Review. “This time, the swing was on and we got beaten in the swing seats, but we kept a heartland.”
He pointed out that the party had held on to harbourside and northern beaches seats that in the federal election had fallen to teals, including Allegra Spender, Kylea Tink and Sophie Scamps.
“This time we held them all, bar one,” he added, referring to Wakehurst, which sits in the federal seat held by Zali Steggall.
The party was still struggling to cut through with Chinese-speaking Australians and was still wearing some “residual damage” from the Morrison government and a disastrous 2022 federal campaign. But the smaller scope of the loss and the demonstrated ability to sandbag teal seats “gives a good basis to work with,” Senator Bragg said.
“My overall take is that holding on to these city seats shows the Liberal Party can win the cities with the right policy set, avoiding culture war craziness and vision.”

This data comes from MediaIntel.Asia's Media Intelligence and Media Monitoring Platform.